Craig Mokhiber, having resigned from his U.N. position and being a human rights lawyer, could indeed act as a lawyer in a case challenging the Biden administration's actions under Section 620I of the Foreign Assistance Act, provided:

1. Licensure: Mokhiber would need to be licensed to practice law in the jurisdiction where the case would be filed, typically in a U.S. federal court. If he is not currently licensed in the relevant jurisdiction, he would need to either:

   • Obtain a license through admission to the bar of that jurisdiction or,
   • Gain admission pro hac vice (for this specific case), which allows attorneys from other jurisdictions to practice in a specific case with local counsel.

2. Expertise: His background in international human rights law could be very relevant, especially if the case involves interpreting Section 620I in light of international law principles, humanitarian aid, and the legal implications of U.S. foreign assistance policies.

3. Ethical Considerations:

   • Conflict of Interest: If Mokhiber has any previous or ongoing relationships with parties involved that might create a conflict of interest, he would need to address this, possibly by withdrawing from any conflicting roles or obtaining waivers from affected parties.
   • Public Statements: His public statements, especially his resignation letter criticizing U.N. and international policy, might be scrutinized for bias, though in this context, they could also be seen as evidence of his commitment to the issues at hand.

4. Role in Litigation:

   • Representation: He could represent the plaintiffs directly or be part of a legal team.
   • Expert Witness: Alternatively, given his extensive experience and previous role at the U.N., he could serve as an expert witness providing testimony on human rights, international law, or the interpretation of Section 620I.

5. Resources: Litigation of this nature often requires significant resources, including time, legal research, and possibly funding for expert witnesses or travel for discovery. Mokhiber would need to ensure he has the support necessary to handle such a case.

6. Strategic Considerations:

   • Legal Strategy: He would need to strategize around overcoming potential barriers like the political question doctrine, establishing standing, and navigating the complexities of international law intersecting with U.S. domestic law.
   • Publicity and Advocacy: His involvement could also bring public attention to the issue, potentially aiding in advocacy efforts outside of the courtroom.

Mokhiber's profile as an experienced human rights lawyer with a focus on international issues makes him potentially well-suited for such a role, but the specifics of his participation would depend on his current legal status, ethical considerations, and the strategic needs of the case.

If there's a belief that the Biden administration is violating Section 620I of the Foreign Assistance Act, which prohibits providing security assistance or arms sales to any country when it is known that the government restricts U.S. humanitarian assistance, there are several potential avenues for legal action:

Who Can Sue:

1. Congressional Members:

   • Individual Congress members or groups could potentially sue for an injunction or declaratory judgment that the administration's actions violate the law. However, this is less common because Congress has other tools like oversight, budget control, or legislative action.

2. Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs):

   • NGOs focused on human rights, international law, or humanitarian efforts might have standing if they can demonstrate harm to their interests or their ability to provide aid.

3. Affected Individuals or Groups:

   • If there are direct victims or groups affected by the restriction of humanitarian aid, they might have standing, although proving direct harm from U.S. policy decisions could be challenging.

4. Taxpayers:

   • Under certain circumstances, taxpayers might have standing if they can show they are suffering a particularized injury due to the unconstitutional expenditure of funds, but this is narrow and often difficult to establish in foreign policy matters.

How to Take the Administration to Court:

1. Legal Basis:

   • Standing: The plaintiff must establish legal standing by showing:

     • An injury in fact
     • A causal connection between the injury and the conduct complained of
     • That the injury is likely to be redressed by a favorable decision

   • Merits: The lawsuit would argue that the administration's actions contradict Section 620I, potentially seeking:

     • Declaratory judgment that the actions violate the law
     • An injunction to stop the provision of certain types of aid or arms sales

2. Filing the Lawsuit:

   • Jurisdiction: The case would likely be filed in a U.S. District Court, potentially in Washington, D.C., due to the nature of the defendants being federal officials or agencies like the Department of State or Defense.

   • Defendants: The lawsuit would name relevant government officials, potentially the President, Secretary of State, or Defense Secretary, in their official capacity.

3. Legal Process:

   • Complaint: Draft and file a complaint detailing the violation, the law in question, and the remedy sought.
   • Service: Serve the complaint to the government defendants.
   • Response: The government will respond, potentially moving to dismiss for lack of standing or other legal reasons.
   • Discovery: If the case proceeds, there might be a discovery phase where both sides exchange information.
   • Trial or Summary Judgment: Eventually, the case might proceed to trial or be decided on motions for summary judgment if there are no material facts in dispute.

4. Challenges:

   • Political Question Doctrine: Courts might view such issues as political questions not suitable for judicial resolution, particularly in foreign policy.
   • Executive Privilege: Access to information might be limited by claims of executive privilege.

5. Public Interest Litigation:

   • Often, such cases are pursued by public interest lawyers or organizations specialized in human rights or government accountability, possibly in collaboration with legal scholars who focus on international and constitutional law.

Given the complexity and the political nature of these issues:

• Legal Counsel: Engaging with attorneys experienced in constitutional law, international law, and federal litigation would be crucial.
• Understanding the Limits: Even if a lawsuit is filed, there's no guarantee of success due to legal doctrines like standing, political question, or the breadth of executive discretion in foreign affairs.

The process would be intricate, requiring careful legal strategy, significant resources, and an understanding of both domestic and international law contexts.

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Impeach Biden, Harris and Blinken! Now!

No assistance shall be furnished under this chapter or the Arms Export Control Act to any country when it is made known to the President that the government of such country prohibits or otherwise restricts, directly or indirectly, the transport or delivery of United States humanitarian assistance.

Section 620I of the Foreign Assistance Act is a U.S. law that addresses restrictions on the transport or delivery of humanitarian assistance. Here are some key points about this section:

• Full Text: "No assistance shall be furnished under this chapter or the Arms Export Control Act to any country when it is made known to the President that the government of such country prohibits or otherwise restricts, directly or indirectly, the transport or delivery of United States humanitarian assistance."

• Objective: This section was created to ensure that U.S. humanitarian aid can reach its intended beneficiaries without interference from the recipient country's government. It aims to prevent countries from blocking or restricting aid provided by the United States.

• Historical Context: This provision was notably introduced in response to Turkey's blockade of Armenia in the 1990s, which was seen as obstructing U.S. humanitarian aid. The law reflects Congressional intent to use aid as a tool to encourage respect for humanitarian principles.

• Implementation: Although this law exists, its implementation has been selective. There have been calls for its application in various contexts, like the humanitarian situation in Gaza, where there were allegations of restrictions on aid by Israel, although enforcement has not been systematic.

• Exceptions: There is room for presidential discretion where the President can waive these restrictions if it's deemed to be in the national security interest of the United States. However, this waiver must be justified and reported to Congress.

• Relevance: Recently, there have been discussions and advocacy efforts by various groups and legislators to enforce this section more rigorously, especially in situations where countries might be seen as obstructing humanitarian aid.

This law underscores the U.S. commitment to ensuring that its humanitarian assistance reaches people in need, using aid as leverage to promote humanitarian access. However, its application is subject to political considerations, and its enforcement can reflect broader U.S. foreign policy objectives.

Minister of State for Foreign Affairs and Expatriates Dr. Fareseen Shaheen reviews Palestinian political and diplomatic efforts to support the issue of prisoners and detainees in occupation prisons Minister Dr. Shaheen explained that Palestinian efforts are focused on activating international support to pressure the occupation to release prisoners and detainees, and improve their detention conditions in line with international law and human rights conventions. She pointed out that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Expatriates is intensifying its communication with international institutions, including the United Nations, to ensure that the voice of prisoners is heard, violations against them are documented, and their release is ensured.

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